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- <text id=89TT0044>
- <title>
- Jan. 02, 1989: Middle East:Saying No To Arafat
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
- Jan. 02, 1989 Planet Of The Year:Endangered Earth
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 81
- MIDDLE EAST
- </hdr><body>
- <p> Barely visible behind a lectern in Tel Aviv's Yad Eliyahu
- basketball arena, the diminutive Yitzhak Shamir struggled to
- make his voice heard. His Likud bloc must agree to share power
- with Labor, he pleaded, "to be united against the danger of a
- Palestinian state." But even that potent argument elicited
- little but jeers from hundreds of angry members of the
- right-wing Likud bloc's central committee. Cheers rang out only
- when Ariel Sharon, the big and assertive leader of the party's
- hard-liners, called for a narrow coalition without left-leaning
- Labor. "People in Labor say we must talk to the P.L.O.," he
- shouted. "That is not our stance." The raucous crowd screamed
- back its approval.
- </p>
- <p> But shortly after 3 a.m. last Wednesday, party members
- grudgingly capitulated to Shamir's proposal to form another
- national-unity government with the Labor Party. Shamir had vowed
- to give up his mandate to form a government if he lost. Later
- the same day, Labor's central committee, also divided over the
- wisdom of the party's casting its lot with Likud, ratified the
- coalition proposal. Seven weeks of wrangling followed
- inconclusive elections on Nov. 1, but the U.S. decision to open a
- dialogue with the Palestine Liberation Organization precipitated
- Israel's warring leaders into a second consecutive government
- of opposing ideologies. The two parties converged on one
- overriding fundamental: no dealing with the P.L.O.
- </p>
- <p> The new government may be called national unity, but it will
- lean distinctly to the right. Both parties agreed to strict
- limits on the steps Israel would take toward peace. In a
- nine-page coalition contract, Likud and Labor flatly rejected
- recent proposals in P.L.O. chairman Yasser Arafat's peace
- campaign, saying the Israeli government "will not negotiate
- with the P.L.O." Instead, the pact reiterated Likud's
- long-standing call for direct talks with Israel's Arab
- neighbors, such as Jordan, and adopted Labor's offer to include
- non-P.L.O. Palestinians who live in the occupied territories.
- "We must do everything to say to America, to the Soviet Union,
- to Europe, to the Arabs, that in this difficult hour the people
- of Israel are united and forming one government," declared the
- new Prime Minister.
- </p>
- <p> Shamir is the clear winner in Israel's battle to control a
- new and more complicated diplomatic environment. To cement his
- authority, Shamir refused to repeat the 1984 unity agreement
- under which each party in turn held the Prime Minister's chair.
- Reinforcing the government's shift to the right is the
- appointment of Likud's Moshe Arens, the hawkish former
- Ambassador to Washington, to replace Labor leader Shimon Peres
- as Foreign Minister in Shamir's 26-member Cabinet. Peres, under
- strong pressure from his party to ensure a government bailout of
- the troubled Histadrut labor federation and the kibbutz
- movement, the twin pillars of Labor support, opted instead for
- the finance portfolio. Peres insists he will continue to speak
- out on foreign policy issues as leader of the Labor Party. But
- it will be Shamir and Arens who finally give Israel one
- official voice on diplomatic matters.
- </p>
- <p> That means the U.S. is likely to hear nothing other than
- Shamir's intransigent line. The Prime Minister fervently
- believes a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip
- would be just the first victory in a P.L.O. war to devour all of
- Israel. Thus he has found reasons to resist virtually all plans
- for peace talks, since they inevitably call for a trade of
- Israeli-occupied land for peace. Shamir's prime objective is to
- prevent the Palestinian initiative from advancing further and
- keep the door closed to the risk of negotiations.
- </p>
- <p> Yet Israeli leaders are acutely aware the P.L.O. is winning
- the propaganda war. Said Foreign Ministry spokesman Alon Liel:
- "Israel has to come up with ideas in order to reverse the
- momentum." To that end, Israel is not likely to crack down
- harder on the Palestinian uprising in the territories as long as
- the level of violence rises no higher. Already under pressure
- from Western allies, Israel does not want to infuriate them
- further with draconian measures. That may be one reason Shamir
- has kept Labor's Yitzhak Rabin as Defense Minister, thwarting
- Sharon's intense campaign for the post. The ambitious Sharon,
- Shamir's archrival for control of Likud, has long boasted
- privately that he could end the intifadeh in a week.
- </p>
- <p> Also losing out were the four religious parties, which won
- 18 Knesset seats. Shamir's initial plan of forming a government
- with them rather than Labor disintegrated amid the new
- diplomatic pressures and strong opposition from American Jews to
- the four parties' demands for stricter religious observance.
- </p>
- <p> In Washington, U.S. officials expressed relief that the
- Labor Party may continue to exert a moderating influence in the
- Israeli government. They feel that despite Israel's clear
- rejection of Arafat's initiative, peace negotiations may
- eventually begin if the P.L.O. can back up its talk of
- compromise with deeds. The U.S. plan, subject to adjustment
- after George Bush becomes President on Jan. 20, calls first for
- collecting proof that Arafat is keeping his pledge to halt
- P.L.O. terrorism. The U.S. hopes that after about six months
- this period of restraint will convince the Israelis that Arafat
- is sincere in recognizing Israel's right to exist and that he
- can be bargained with. At that point, the U.S. Administration
- will have to find enough political will and diplomatic muscle to
- persuade a reluctant Israel to enter into negotiations. For 40
- years Israel has preferred to say no to the U.S. as little as
- possible. But the two allies could face an unprecedented
- showdown unless the Bush team can figure out how to lure Israel
- into negotiations without a major rupture.
- </p>
- <p> The U.S. is also urging Israel, so far without any success,
- to ease its iron-fist handling of the year-old intifadeh and
- grant limited autonomy to the 1.7 million Palestinians living
- under occupation. "They need to do things to make the
- Palestinians feel more human, more in control of their lives,"
- says a U.S. official. Meanwhile, the uprising has reached a
- stalemate: the intifadeh can't defeat Israel's occupation, but
- Israel can't stop the rebellion.
- </p>
- <p> The P.L.O. chairman does not have a notably easier agenda.
- As Arafat met with a host of world leaders, including Pope John
- Paul II, his aides said he was concerned that terrorism could
- doom his peace efforts, particularly if that initiative failed
- to produce results. In Damascus, Arafat's actions were
- condemned by two Syrian-backed Palestinian renegade leaders,
- Ahmed Jabril and Colonel Said Musa. Both have been accused by
- the U.S. of masterminding terrorist attacks.
- </p>
- <p> Arafat has set an ambitious target: an independent
- Palestinian state by 1991. To speed diplomacy along, he plans to
- have P.L.O. officials unveil new proposals when they hold their
- second meeting with Robert Pelletreau, the U.S. Ambassador to
- Tunisia. One is an international conference on terrorism that
- would enable Arafat to dramatize his promises. Another
- overture, an acutely sensitive one, might be an offer to help
- prevent terrorist acts by exchanging intelligence information
- with the U.S. Meanwhile, Arafat wants to reach early agreement
- with King Hussein on the outline of a U.S.-backed
- Palestinian-Jordanian confederation.
- </p>
- <p> But given Israel's position, Arafat is not likely to need
- such a detailed blueprint anytime soon. Few in Israel are ready
- -- yet -- to accept the seismic shift in attitude that has
- occurred, especially in the U.S. Government. The Bush
- Administration will be looking for a new mood in Jerusalem as
- well as a new government. But Shamir is unlikely to soften:
- Israel now appears to have a government that prefers territory
- to peace. And the overwhelming majority of his countrymen back
- Shamir in saying no to the P.L.O.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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